War in the Gulf: Is it over? What’s the result?

There are reports in several outlets that Iran and the US are getting close to agreement on a memorandum to end the war. The reports are based, so it’s said, on leaks from the Pakistani team that is mediating the Iran-US discussions. So what we are seeing might be an effort by the mediators to move things along a bit. Or it may be a trial balloon at the request of one side or both to gauge reaction not only from the adversary but also, and more importantly, from their respective home fronts. Or we could just be hearing weightless rumours.

Only time will tell. We have heard so much rubbish in the claims and counter-claims from both sides that a bit of caution is justified. But being cautious about doubting the reports as well as believing them, it makes sense to take a closer look.

As I’ve said in earlier posts, ceasefires are complex and reflect the dynamics of war as much as the requirements of peace. The reported contents of the possible joint Iranian-US memo reflect that point. They would mean suspending rather than ending the war, and, thereby, making time available to actually bring the war to an end.

Here’s what the key points are thought to be:

  1. A temporary halt to Iran’s nuclear enrichment, and/or a limitation on the amount of enriched uranium it can hold;
  2. Gradually lifting US sanctions and releasing frozen Iranian funds;
  3. Allowing more shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, leading in time to full freedom of passage;
  4. Agreement to come to a broader and more detailed agreement, allowing 30 days for negotiation.

First of all, this is not a comprehensive settlement but it could be a first step. Having seen many first steps towards peace in several decades of looking at the question, it is clear to me that they are fundamental – they are how every journey starts – but the second and subsequent steps are all crucial too.

That said, let’s take the points in turn.

  1. Halting/limiting enrichment: That’s right, the uranium enrichment that is part of the nuclear programme the US president has often said was ‘obliterated’ in June last year. Also, the uranium enrichment that that was limited by the Iran nuclear deal in 2015, from which the US president withdrew his country in 2018. Reinstating that kind of limitation would be beneficial and is eminently feasible.
  2. Lift US sanctions and return the funds: My Iranian friends are already saying they’ll believe it when they see it. US sanctions on Iran were first imposed in 1979 because of the radical students who seized the US Embassy and held staff hostage with the approval of Iran’s then leader, Ayatollah Khomenei. Sanctions relief was also supposed to follow the 2015 Iran nuclear deal but never came through. Doing it now might seem like a reward to the Iranian regime for holding out despite its decapitation on the first day of this war. But long-term, sanctions relief will probably do more for the people of Iran than anything else can.
  3. Freedom of passage through the Strait of Hormuz: Yes, like it was before the war.
  4. Agreement to try for a broader agreement: The agreement will probably look a bit like the one that was being negotiated in February until the US president broke it off and started the war. The talks happening then were regarded as getting close to achieving agreement by both the mediators from Oman, and the UK National Security Adviser, who was observing.

It may seem as if a first good look at the main points of what may be an agreement between Iran and the USA confirms the widely held view that this war has achieved nothing. But look again.

Yes, for Israel and the USA who launched the war on 28 February, the war looks pointless – an exercise in foolish arrogance, based on a comprehensive misunderstanding of how power works in Iran, a misreading of the regime’s strategy, and a naive confidence in the effectiveness of force. On uranium enrichment, on freedom of passage through the Strait of Hormuz, and on willingness to negotiate, Israel and the USA have achieved the status quo ante with gut-wrenching human tragedy and massive environmental pollution along the way back to the starting point. And on regime change, for all the silliness of remarks that if the leader has changed then the regime has changed, actually everybody knows that nothing has been achieved.

But for the Iranian leadership, if sanctions that have been in place for almost half a century are lifted and they do get access to frozen funds, then that is not simply a return to the status quo ante. That is a distinct gain, a new and better situation. It would be, for want of a better word, a win.

And the fact that it is such a clear advantage for Iran’s leaders coming out of this war is a large part of the explanation for my scepticism that this is really the end, or even the beginning of the end as somebody once said, even if the reports are completely accurate.

War on Iran: on-again, off-again?

There are three current ceasefires in the Middle East. 

  • One is between Israel and the USA on one side and Iran on the other; each side accuses the other of violating it. 
  • One is between Israel and Lebanon. This is odd because Israel was not fighting the government of Lebanon but the forces of Hezbollah. It began by opposing talks between the two governments but has said it will respect the ceasefire as long as it is not one-sided. Israel has accused Hezbollah of violating the ceasefire and the Lebanese army has reported Israeli violations. The ceasefire expires on 26 April.
  • And the third is in Gaza where, six months after it was first signed, Israeli attacks continue, killing at least 32 Palestinians in April (in a total of at least 738 since the ceasefire was declared on 10 October 2025).

In short, the ceasefire in the war of Israel and the USA against Iran is not unique in its complexity and uncertainty. Ceasefires are almost always tricky and routinely fragile, reflecting the dynamics of war as much as the possibilities of peace. This one has proven to be no exception to the rule. Within half a day, the parties and mediators were disputing what was agreed, whether the ceasefire was supposed to include Lebanon, what would happen with Iran’s enriched uranium, and what would happen with the Strait of Hormuz. 

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The war on Iran: from the ceasefire to the off-ramp?

The ceasefire in the US-Israeli war on Iran brings cautious relief. The bombing, the missiles, the destruction and the killing can stop, which is unreservedly good. But ceasefires are tricky things. They reflect the dynamics of war as much as peace and the threats each side holds over the other persist. Israel and the USA can unleash physically destructive forces Iran cannot match. Iran can unleash economically destructive forces to which the USA has no viable response except more destruction.

That Iran’s strategy is viable is clear every time Trump blinks when the oil price jumps or the stock market slumps. And that strategy has given Iran the strategic initiative, which Trump’s threat to erase Iranian civilisation does not take away. 

Big blustery threats and swear words from Trump aside, what can we see unfolding amid the thick fog of this war? This is the second in a series of blog posts sketching out a few pointers I see to what is happening today and what may happen tomorrow and the day after. 

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The war on Iran: signals emerging from the noise

Through the nonsensical miasma of illogical, ahistorical, untrue and self-contradictory utterances by the American president and his administration about their war on Iran, each one more ridiculous than the last, a few things are starting to stand out with some degree of clarity. They are pointers of a kind to today, tomorrow and after that. This post and the next couple take a look at a few of them. This one focuses on the US build-up, the search for a way out, and the Strait of Hormuz. It’s not comprehensive in any way, just what I can figure out at the moment.

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Thoughts about a nuclear-free and ecologically sustainable world order

This is a difficult time to be talking about disarmament or even arms control. The geopolitical context is about as unhelpful as it could possibly be and it is hard to imagine circumstances in which the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons is ratified by all the world’s states. And yet, talking about disarmament and imagining a nuclear-free world is what I do in an article newly published by the Journal for Peace and Nuclear Disarmament. To make a challenging ask yet more demanding, my argument is that we – humankind – need a new order that will guard not only against the existential nuclear threat but also against the dangers arising from severe ecological disruption.  

What follows is a short version distilled from the first draft of the article. Among other things, it leaves out some of the political philosophy. For the full version, follow the link.

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Attack on Iran: unclear motives, unknown outcomes & energy vulnerability

In my previous post about the onslaught on Iran by Israel and the USA, I used the metaphor of a coin toss to say how hard it is to forecast the outcome. I left it to others to work out the motive for the attack, unpicking the incoherent contradictions in what the US President has said, weighing the various statements and retractions others have made. Instead, I pondered the question of regime change. It was once derided as a US goal by Trump but now he has adopted. Or maybe not since some of his recent statements boil down to saying the war is won though it is not over.

Anyway, as to regime change, I saw three possible outcomes: the hoped for democratic transition; an even more repressive state; and civil war. News that the CIA has been getting ready to support a Kurdish insurgency makes it seem that civil war is the likeliest.

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Attack on Iran: Israel and the USA have flipped the coin – where and how will it land?

When the USSR invaded Afghanistan in December 1979, assassinated President Hafizullah Amin and installed a more compliant government, it kicked off an era of war and terror that has not ended 47 years later. When the USA and allies invaded Iraq and overthrew Saddam Hussein in 2003, it initiated a period of war and terror that may now be coming to an end with a degree of political stability and less violence in the last two years. When France and the UK with seemingly reluctant support from the USA intervened in Libya in 2011, weakening the rule of Muammar Gaddafi so insurgents found and killed him, it opened a period of war and chaos that has produced a fragile balance between two competing governments and intermittent violent conflict between them.  

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The security dilemma in Northeast Asia: is European experience relevant?

38 North has just published my article exploring the relevance of European experience to regional security in Northeast Asia.

Faced by growing insecurity and destabilizing uncertainties, Northeast Asia lacks a regional mechanism to establish guardrails to manage the risks. The discussion about this is increasingly turning to the the European experience from a half-century ago in constructing a security framework in the form of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE).

At first look, the relevance is easy to grasp.

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Sustainable Defence in a Challenging Environment

For Europe, responding to insecurity and responding to ecological disruption are both era-defining challenges. In June last year, NATO decided to respond to the insecurity that member states and many, many citizens feel by increasing military spending to 5% of annual economic output, with a minimum of 3.5% devoted to what they called ‘core’ security, and up to 1.5% for cyber security, infrastructure and suchlike. No comparable pledge has been made for responding to the ecological crisis. Far from it, European (and other) governments currently seeming to be turning their backs on the green agenda.

There is an obvious risk that national security will divert and drain energy and resources away from other policies and priorities, such as welfare, health and education as well as the environment. And a further risk that the emphasis on national security and building up the military will have negative effects on the natural environment and accelerate ecological disruption.

Those are the risks. Does it have to be that way?

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Reflections on Venezuela, Trump and world order

As the world knows, on 3 January 2026, in an operation involving over 150 aircraft, US Special Forces raided Caracas, seized President Maduro and his wife, and took them to New York to be charged and tried as criminals, and the US President announced that the USA would now run Venezuela for a time. This use of force breached the United Nations Charter and rightly set off alarm bells and alert sirens all round the world. A future seems to loom before us in which the strong do what they can, and the weak do what they must. Why did it happen and what comes next?

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